By Volker Berghahn
This ebook goals to gibe a entire evaluation and interpretation of the improvement of Germany to the 20th century, a rustic whose heritage has decisively formed the map and the politics of recent Europe and the realm during which we are living. Professor Berghahn isn't involved purely with politics and international relations, yet with social switch, financial functionality, and commercial relations.
The booklet starts with an research o the interval of speedy industrialization within the a long time ahead of 1914 after which strains the social and political results of exceptional monetary switch throughout the interwar years and past. It additionally bargains with the influence of worldwide struggle I and the nice Inflation of 1923. extra interwar subject matters are German international coverage from Stresemann to Hitler, its underlying assumptions, and the interplay among international relations and household politics. After 1945, Germany turned divided and the final chapters are dedicated to the emergence of the Federal Republic and the Democratic Republic as separate entities. a great deal of realization is paid in the course of the e-book to the lifestyles and emotions of normal people.
In the appendix the writer has mixed in additional than fifty tables statistical details that's differently tough to acquire on such vital subject matters as commercial and agricultural construction, employment, vote casting styles, denominational distribution, and eduction, and there's a chronological desk protecting the most occasions when you consider that 1871.
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Extra info for Modern Germany: Society, Economy, and Politics in the Twentieth Century (2nd Edition)
In foreign policy matters it favoured a continental orientation, relying on the Army as a power-political instrument. At heart it was opposed to colonialism and the Kaiser's Weltpolitik (world policy) with its emphasis on naval building. The Free Conservatives, who competed in national elections under the name of Reichspartei (RP), tended to attract support from rather a small stratum of people who, though frequently of agrarian background, did not feel so uneasy about industrialisation. In fact some of them had even become engaged in industrial enterprise.
Nor were they convinced that growth in agriculture was the answer to Germany's problems. Indeed, they saw the economic advantages of industrialisation, but were not prepared to accept its social and political consequences. In particular, they remained irreconcilably hostile towards the growing working-class movement and the need to accommodate its demands. Hence there emerged side by side with the Old Right more radical groups and organisations to whom the use of force against Social Democracy at home (the 'internal enemy') was merely the reverse side of their equally strong proclivity to pursue an aggressive foreign policy against the country's 'external enemies'.
The discovery that there were other people whose privileged position was also threatened or, conversely, whose advancement was similarly blocked, created feelings of solidarity which worked to reinforce the sociocultural group identities based on language, life-style, employment and tradition. This was particularly true of a group which had most to gain from a dissolution of existing hierarchies and which, because of its aspirations and its potential numerical strength, was regarded by the groups above it as the most dangerous threat to the status quo : the German industrial working class.
Modern Germany: Society, Economy, and Politics in the Twentieth Century (2nd Edition) by Volker Berghahn